It Isn’t Just…

February 10, 2006

It isn’t just Reliance Infocomm which tries to cheat BSNL. BSNL employees do the same thing. So who’s to blame- Reliance, or the stupid system of tariffs and cross-subsisdies that sets up arbitrage opportunities like this in the first place?

It isn’t just airports which are seeing private participation and development. The MMRDA has received fifteen tenders for a new bus terminus to be run on a build-own-operate-transfer contract. Which should hopefully answer Dilip D’ Souza.

And it isn’t just Jayalalitha who nationalises industries to give political rivals a poke in the eye. The Andhra Pradesh government has just handed all the well-managed dairy cooperatives to the bureaucracy. Once again, the political rivals will eventually come back to power, and it’s the consumers and dairy farmers who’ll get shafted.


A Thud in the Hills, and Monsoon Wedding

January 31, 2006

Dilip D’ Souza has a post up at the newly launched How The Other Half Lives called Thud in the Hills which asks a question that isn’t asked often enough: when will reforms benefit the poor? And can they do nothing but wait for the benefits to trickle down?

My answer: it depends.

The little reforms we have had so far have made it much easier for corporations to do business- by making it easier for them to raise money, start new businesses without having to run around for as many licenses, and choose for themselves how much to produce and what price to set. And they have made it easier- no, possible- for them to import raw materials and equipment.

But reforms have been non-existent in some other, vital, aspects. There has been no judicial reform. Litigation and criminal justice still move so slowly that a legal case becomes a weapon with which to bludgeon your rivals. It also results in pathetic conviction rates, so that imprisonment or even the dealth penalty are not deterrents to criminals.

Until this year, reforms also made it difficult for buyers to compete with each other for buying farm produce, which led to middlemen cornering the market, and contributed to farmers falling into dire straits. And of course, there have been no reforms which allow farmers to sell their land legally and at market prices.

There have also been no reforms to place checks on our various taxation departments, so they can continue to harass us unabated.

This means that as individuals, we have to wait for the slightly freer private and corporate sector to pass the benefits of reform on to us.

This has a problem: although the private sector does pass on the benefits to us- as cheaper prices, new products, better service and variety- these benefits reach the rich before they reach the poor. The rich have the money to pay for these benefits, after all. Only after the rich have been tapped and exhausted as a market, will we see the private sector move to the poor.

We are seeing this happen with cellphones. Delhi and Mumbai now have teledensity levels equal to London and New York. What are Airtel and Reliance and Tata Teleservices doing now? Pushing their network beyond the cities and into the small towns and villages, so that they can capture the market there (and also allow Dilip to call his friends and tell them that he wishes they were there). They also dropped their cost of staying connected- earlier to 200 rupees a month, and now to a thousand rupees for life.

It’s unfair, isn’t it? The rich got their cellphones way back in 1994, and the poor had to wait until 2005.

But the unfairness is compensated, because of this: reform reaches the poor the last, but it benefits them the most.

For the rich guy who bought the cellphone in 1994, it was at best a convenience. He already had a telephone- probably more than one- at his home and office. He could now be connected to his contacts sixteen hours a day instead of twelve.

But for the auto driver or vegetable cart owner who bought it last year, the cellphone is their first phone. It doesn’t represent four additional hours of connectivity- it represents being connected, for the first time ever. It isn’t a way to stay in touch with existing contacts. It’s a way to have contacts- and most probably, these contacts are new customers who will provide new business, or fellow small businesspeople who will help each other to find the best deals.

The first person to notice this was not an economist or a journalist or a telecom company CEO, it was a film director. In Monsoon Wedding, Mira Nair created PK Dubey- an entrepreneuer with no fixed assets- but who created wealth for himself using nothing but his intelligence and his cellphone.

Three years after Monsoon Wedding was released, Vodafone commissioned a study on their African consumer base. Only then did they discover that taxi drivers in Kenya were using mobile phones to tell each other where fares were to be found, unemployed villagers used SMS to check for jobs in Nairobi instead of paying the bus fare each week, and plumbers were able to see three instead of two customers a day.

Five years from now, when mobile phones have reached many more corners of the country, can you imagine what a similar study would find? Farmers using mobile phones to check prices, small retailers managing their inventory far more effectively, and maybe even as vehicles to spread the information that the Right to Information Act promises.

I’ll close this post with two thoughts.

First, the next revolution of this sort we’ll see will probably be in credit. ICICI Bank, GE Money and CitiFinancial are in two hundred cities so far, and they know that they can’t leave the next two hundred cities open to each other.

This means that they’ll hire thugs to threaten defaulters in Indore and Palakkad and Patiala, not just Delhi and Mumbai. They’ll call up people and offer unsolicited loans in Moradabad and Sangli and Bokaro, not just Hyderabad and Chennai. And just as cellphone companies cut their tariffs and offered ever more options to us, the customers, credit companies will eventually improve their behaviour and offer loans which are structured the way semiurban and rural consumers actually need them. Not because the Finance Ministry told them to do it, but because if they don’t, their competition will.

Second, this is what has happened and can happen if you set corporations free. If you set people free, can you imagine how much faster the poor would benefit? And how much more?


Holy Crap!

January 25, 2006

I seem to have missed this news entirely: the Tamil Nadu government is planning to take over the cable operators in the state.

Hmm, so two or three years without any obvious power-mad incidents was too good to be true. Indira Gandhi nationalised banks, and now Jayalalitha is planning to nationalize (should that be state-ize?) cable access systems.

A few thoughts:

  1. If this is meant as an anti-DMK measure, it’s stupid. Anti-incumbency will eventually push the DMK back into power anyway. The DMK will then ensure that the state-owned broadcasting apparatus it controls shows only Sun TV and there is a total blackout of Jaya TV. As Salvor Hardin said, it’s a poor blaster that can’t point both ways.
  2. This can’t be passed off as an isolated incident. The central government has its own creeping nationalization process going on. It has the utterly loathsome ADC regime in telecom, and closer to the topic of television, it has stolen cricket broadcasting rights from the people who bought them legitimately and passed them to its inhouse pet Doordarshan.
  3. The cable TV takeover is ostentiably being done to improve customer satisfaction. I shudder to think what customer satisfaction will be like after six months of government operation.
  4. Points one and three suggest that anything done to shaft a political opponent will very likely end up shafting the electorate more.

No Land for Air

January 22, 2006

Skimpy has a post up about how the shortage of airport infrastructure is a looming crisis for Indian aviation, and talks about how it might play out.

He suggests that the way out of the crisis is for the government to facilitate the construction of new airports- without necessarily building it themselves. According to him, private entrepreneuers can run the airport on a BOO (Build, Own, Operate) basis. The major role for the government would be to start a licensing or tendering process for new airports, and to facilitate the land acquisition.

He’s right. The less the government is involved with the actual development, the faster a new airport will actually come up. And I’ll have to reluctantly admit that the government will need to acquire the land and hand it over.

Why reluctantly? Because when the government acquires land and hands it over, it will be solving a problem of its own making. The reason the government would have to acquire land for the airport is that land laws in India are such a mess that airport operators can’t possibly do it on their own.

For example, in most states farmers can only sell their land to other farmers. This idiotic legislation means that any time any real estate developer wants to build anything- be it an airport, a highway, or an apartment block on agricultural land, he has to first get the government to buy it from farmers and then sell it to him.

This has two bad consequences. First, since the government is the dealmaker and has all the information about land value, it creates opportunities for corruption. Secondly, since neither the buyer nor the seller have information about how much value the other places on the land, it ensures that at least one of the buyer and seller will be unhappy with the price that is paid.

Suppose the government buys the land from the original owners at a price less than the value they associate with it. They’re going to be unhappy. This unhappiness will manifest itself as riots, protest movements, or litigation against the project. This will lead to delays in the project, driving up its costs.

Suppose the government decides to avoid all this hassle and pays a price which is definitely higher than what the owners value the land at. Now, the real estate developer ends up paying more than the market price. This could have two consequences- either it passes on the extra costs to the end consumers, or it decides that the project isn’t worth it at that price, and abandons it. This is a loss not only to the developer- it loses a money making opportunity- but also to the landowners- they lose the opportunity to sell.

These absurd land laws are a much bigger hassle than the shortage of airport infrastructure- in fact, they’re probably one of the root causes. And unless these laws are reformed, even private sector airport development is going to be plagued with litigation, delays and protests, just as other infrastructure projects like the Bangalore-Mysore Infrastructure Corridor have been.

Related links:

Indian Economy Blog: Reality of Indian Realty
Indian Economy Blog: Eminent Domain and Suchlike


Fission and Fusion

January 19, 2006

Do read Masabi’s post on Deve Gowda’s thought process.


Municipal Wi-fi

January 11, 2006

Many American cities- San Francisco is the most well known example, but Philadelphia and some others are also planning it- are planning to roll out free wireless broadband networks covering the entire city.

If you have an opinion, please answer the following questions:

  1. Is this a waste of public money? Shouldn’t municipalities be more concerned with providing water, police and fire services, garbage disposal and so on?
  2. Would your answer to question 1 change if the city in question was Bombay or Bangalore or Belgaum or Patiala? Why?

Update: For question two, I don’t really care about the relative waste of public money, or that San Francisco can afford to waste public money. What I’m asking is if internet access is an essential municipal service in the first world and not the third (or two-point-fifth) world.