I Want to be a Cultural Nationalist

September 25, 2007

(I’m posting this now, because I have to rush for work. I’m not too satisfied with how the post is written, though, so I’ll probably continue to edit and update it over the day/ week. Your comments will be welcome, as always.)

More than three years ago, Ravikiran inserted these lines into a blogpost about why Sonia shouldn’t be PM:

But nationalism isn’t discovered, it is constructed. Every generation finds things we have in common, things that we share, things that we value and things that we can be proud of, and builds a nationalism out of it. Just because it is constructed it doesn’t mean that it isn’t real.

When I say that “X” is something we share it doesn’t mean that every Indian shares “X” and that anyone who doesn’t appreciate “X” isn’t an Indian. But I am saying that many Indians share it, and X, Y and Z together defines Indianness.

These were practically throwaway lines, but they somehow packed more punch than the rest of the blogpost. The insight here is utterly stunning.

But why am I bringing up a three year old blogpost? Because it offers answers to questions raised in a three month old blogpost! This one on The Acorn, where Nitin asks what India is fighting for, besides territory and people:

Nationalism was given a nasty connotation decades ago, and going by its general portrayal in the international media, even patriotism is somehow suspect (except, that is, if you are in America). Yet without a sense of patriotism, a sense of shared values worth defending, it is hard to see how plural democratic societies can prevail over totalitarian ideologies.

And now, I’ll bring in a third angle, from Chris Anderson’s book The Long Tail (read more about it at the Wikipedia entry, or the official site), which says:

The same Long Tail forces that are leading to an explosion of variety and and abundant choice in the content we consume are also tending to lead us into tribal eddies. When mass culture breaks apart, it doesn’t re-form into a different mass. Instead, it turns into millions of microcultures, which coexist and interact in a baffling array of ways.

As a result, we can now treat culture as not one big blanket, but as the superposition of many interwoven threads, each of which is individually addressable and connects different groups of people simultaneously.

In short, we’re seeing a shift from mass culture to massively parallel culture. Whether we think of it this way or not, each of us belongs to many different tribes simultaneously, often overlapping (geek culture and LEGO), often not (tennis and punk-funk). We share some interests with out colleagues and some with our families, but not all of our interests. Increasingly, we have other people to share them with, people we have never met or even think of as individuals (e.g., blog authors or playlist creators).

Now, obviously Long Tail forces are going to operate much slower in India than they are in the United States. But when they do, two things are going to happen:

  1. Any attempt to define India or Indianness through One Grand Idea is going to be even more doomed to failure. This holds for attempts to impose Hindi on the rest of the country, or trying to push a top-down version of Hindutva as the BJP once tried, or to go the 1980s Doordarshan route and aim for National Integration through Repeated Airplay of Bharat Bala videos.
    (I’d also like to point out here that an idea of cultural nationalism based on One Grand Idea is untenable even now. If your idea of India is based on commonality of culture, then Akhand Bharat in’t just desirable, it’s a moral imperative. And it would have to incorporate not just Pakistan and Nepal and Bangladesh, but everything up to Indochina and Bali and even Jackson Heights and Southall.)
  2. But paradoxically, national integration will actually improve as Indians create new cultural touchpoints which will be shared across geography and demographics. A hundred years ago, a Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyaya novel had no audience outside literate Bengalis. Now, YouTube allows a music enthusiast from Bangalore to see Bangla rock videos; online forums allow geeks sitting in Madras and Ludhiana to help each other out with Perl problems, and blogs make it possible for a TDC to appreciate humour grounded in Tamil culture. Common cultures will be created faster, except that the creation will be messy and undirected and emergent, and quite probably the despair of the eighty-year olds in political parties and the Sangh Parivar.

What’s going to make things even messier is that these new shared cultures could very easily spring up across national borders. So Indians and Pakistanis could have even more of a shared culture, while India and Pakistan continue to be antithetical ideas and antagonistic states. Which brings us to the real point of this post: how the hell do you create and spread an idea that transforms the nature of the state? How do you infuse the Indian government with the idea that it’s meant to empower its citizens, not dictate to them, and how do you change the mindset of the Pakistani state to worrying about the growth of Pakistan, not the liberation of Kashmir or the quelling of India?

That is probably going to require creating institutions like think tanks and political parties and liberal newspapers,  which is going to be much more painful and complicated than people in different states bonding over the same YouTube video. The costs of creating such institutions is probably much less today then it was ten years ago, but how to drive the costs down – and create more incentives for doing so – is an open question, and one which I’ll hopefully write more about in the near future.


Typical Bloody Politicians

September 8, 2007

Remember that protest march I photoblogged a year and a half ago? I gave United Students my email and mobile number, and subsequently never heard about or from them.

Until this week. Suddenly my mobile started getting spammed with SMSs from VR4Nikhita, urging me to go and vote for the United Students candidate, Nikhita Arora, in the Delhi University Students Union elections, and to forward the SMS to three other people.

Joy. I’m not in Delhi, much less Delhi University. In fact, I’ve never been in Delhi University. I can’t vote for the DUSU president. Even if I could, United Students has told me nothing about who Nikhita Arora is, what she plans to do once she becomes president, or why I should vote for her.

In fact, despite having my email address, United Students has never sent me a manifesto or a newsletter or a statement of objectives in the past eighteen months. The only time they remembered I existed was at the elections. Sound familiar?

Those who decide to change the system from within are condemned to have the system change them.


CPI (M): Learning is Bad

September 5, 2007

According to Prakash Karat, the joint naval exercise with the US harms India’s sovereignity.

The opportunity to learn from the world’s most powerful navy harms our sovereignity.

The insights we get into naval warfare harm our sovereignity.

The goodwill we will build with major world powers harms our sovereignity.

The recognition of India as a regional power with a stake in ensuring the security of shipping lanes harms our sovereignity.

The only way to preserve our sovereignity is to hand our domestic and foreign policy over to a bunch of traitors who’re hellbent on stalling economic progress and who have a track record of supporting the country we’re at war with.

If you repeat a divine argument enough, it becomes true.


As I Understand It…

August 20, 2007
  1. If the nuclear deal goes through, we get nuclear fuel
  2. But if we test nuclear weapons, we don’t get nuclear fuel
  3. If the nuclear deal doesn’t go through, we don’t get nuclear fuel either

In other words, the outcome is the same if the Left blocks the deal, and if we conduct a nuclear test. So if the Left has its way, the opportunity cost of conducting a nuclear test is nil.

In that case, I propose the next time we conduct a nuclear test, let’s do it above the Politburo instead of under Pokhran.


Is There No Honour Among Thieves?

August 13, 2007

The Slimes has an interesting story. The Income Tax department uses informers to find out who’s cheating on their taxes, and conducts raids on them to recover the evaded taxes. The informers do this because they’re supposed to get a commission on the the recovered taxes.

In theory. Apparently the IT department has stiffed the informers:

On September 3, passersby outside Scindia House at Ballard Estate here will see an unusual satyagraha – a fast unto death by an elderly man whom the income-tax department owes money.

What’s unusual here – apart from the fact that the dues amount to an eye-goggling Rs 25 crore — is that the man will be masked.


“My sources have been threatening to kill me,” he says. “They refuse to believe that the I-T department has not paid me for cases as old as 15 years.”

Gupta believes other informers will support him, as the department never pays heed to their post-raid claims. Indeed, the money owed by the government to the 60-odd informers in India totals a staggering Rs 1,200 crore. There are no written rules, only guidelines, for rewarding them.

Well, I suppose that’s what you get for trusting the Income Tax department.


Sohrabbudin and the Idiotarians

July 13, 2007

What is it about the Sohrabbudin encounter killing that brought out idiotarians from all sides?

First, we had Swapan Dasgupta, who claimed in the Pioneer that Sohrabbudin was just collateral damage in the fight against terrorism:

The conflict between robust anti-terrorism and cynical politics is at the heart of arrest of DG Vanzara and two other IPS officers on charges of killing Sohrabuddin Sheikh, a known extortionist and gun-runner, and his partner in a “false encounter”.

Exactly how does summarily executing an extortionist count as robust anti-terrorism? And if he does have terrorist ties, is arresting him and bringing him to trial not robust enough? (Actually, it isn’t – but that’s an argument for improving judicial processes and police reforms, not encounter killings).

Swapan Dasgupta then pulled an unrelated analogy out with the 7 July bombings:

Two years ago, the British police erred in gunning down an innocent Brazilian in London. Did that lead to the demand for the interrogation and arrest of the Home Secretary and the Prime Minister?

Well, no. But then are the British police subject to the level of political control and/ or interference that the Indian police are? If the political leadership isn’t willing to give the police autonomy, then it should damn well take the responsibility.

The whole column stank of non sequitur, really. Dasgupta kept bringing in a counter terrorism angle (when there was none), and pushed a ‘you can’t have an omelette without breaking eggs’ line. Contrast that to Ramesh Ramanathan’s column in Mint, where he actually pointed out possible police reforms that would free the police to conduct real counter-terrorist operations free of political interference:

The clock on this police reform is ticking. States were required to adhere to the Supreme Court’s directive by January 2007; this has been extended to 31 March 2007. In the coming months, we will see an independent police force for the first time in this country. With it, less opportunity for police misconduct. Lower probability of another Sohrabuddin fake encounter. Fewer moral cul-de-sacs for people to get trapped in.

(Okay, it remains to be seen if the structural changes will actually lead to independence and probity, but at least it’s a start. And at least Ramanathan talks about solutions instead of going off and ranting the way Dasgupta does.)

But wait, that’s not it. From the other end of the ideological spectrum, we got this stunning blogpost on Kafila. Which claimed that all encounter killings in the country were the handiwork of a conspiracy in the Intelligence Bureau. And this is because:

The question is not whether Mr. Modi sanctioned or did not sanction the killings (even presuming that he did), or whether Sohrabuddin was killed on the request of ‘Rajasthani Marble Traders’. The question is, how could the Gujarat police (even if we assume that it acted under orders solely emanating from Modi’s home ministry in Gujarat, or from the Rajasthani Marble Trade) successfully undertake an operation that needed to be fine tuned as far away as Hyderabad, just on its own resources.

and:

What is missing, or not commented on, in much of the discussion round the fake encounters is the fact that this kind of multi-state co ordination of police forces can only be done by Central bodies. The one central body uniquely equipped to bring such co ordinated efforts to fruition is none other than the Intelligence Bureau.

Correct. You know, last month me, Skimpy, Baada, and BJ met up for dinner. We all work in different companies. We live in different parts of Bangalore. We have different job profiles. This kind of multi-company coordination of MBAs cannot be done independently. It must have been done by a central organizing body. The only body capable of doing this is the IIMB Alumni Association. Cellphones and informal networks are a myth.

The truly appalling thing is that this steaming pile of manure got inked from Desipundit. Clearly, being a congenital idiot is no bar to getting link love from Abinandan.

Anyway. I shall now go off and blog about pleasing things. I need to replenish up my bile reserves for when I write about If God Was a Banker.


Diversity and Inclusion

July 8, 2007

My employers, bless them, are great believers in Diversity and Inclusion. At the global level, they want to make the organisation as diverse as possible on three parameters: gender, nationality, and physical handicap.

In India, the country office decided to focus on gender diversity. Increasing the number of nationalities in India is complex because of visa issues (not to mention that most people of other nationalities would rather not work here), and including physically handicapped people in the organisation requires large investments in infrastructural changes. Bringing women in and making them feel more comfortable is comparatively low hanging fruit.

Except that it screws up diversity on other dimensions, which aren’t being measured.

The thing is, women from smaller towns are much less likely to have the qualifications a woman from a metro does. More to the point, societal norms will act as a barrier to women migrating to metros and taking up jobs there even if they have qualifications. So increasing the gender mix and getting more women into the workplace will actually end up throttling geographical diversity or diversity of personal background.

This isn’t a huge problem if you think gender diversity is far more important than any sort (there are good arguments both for and against such a presumption), but it just illustrates that diversity as an end in itself can end up being self-defeating.


Equality and Equalisation

May 13, 2007

The FGB writes about Dalit participation in the UP elections, and makes an excellent point:

There is nothing radical being said here. I am just advocating equality. The politicians and the armchair economists and political theorists on the other hand are always lobbying for equalisation.

But the most important paragraph is this one:

Instead we do not what is right, but what is easiest. Oppress them with state machinery, and then buy them out (if we allow them to vote) in return for IIM seats.

This is a massively important insight into how the Indian government works- not just in the realm of social justice, but in many others as well. I’ll make my own post on it sometime.

Meanwhile, read the whole thing.


It Happens Only in India (and Taiwan)

May 9, 2007

Rival lawmakers exchanged punches, climbed on each other’s shoulders and jostled violently for position around the speaker’s dais Tuesday, as Taiwan’s legislature dissolved into chaos over an electoral reform bill…

via Simon World.


The Attack on Autonomy

May 7, 2007

In April 2006, the issue of extending reservations to Other Backward Classes first came to the national consciousness. People have spoken for and against reservations since then with different agendas and different points of view.

The points of view included the usual suspects: the anti-reservationists argued that reservation would compromise academic merit and was merely a vote buying tactic, while pro-reservationists argued that social justice was a goal that far outweighed considerations of merit, or the motivations of the proposal. The debate took unpleasant directions: those who opposed reservations were smeared as defending upper-caste or upper class privilege, while the pro-reservationists had casteist abuse hurled at them. In addition to invective, it also descended into endless arguments over data on which OBCs were truly backward, and whether reserved seats would not simply be captured by powerful castes, while leaving actual backward classes as disempowered as ever.

The descent into madness became almost complete in the past month, with the Supreme Court being attacked for ‘legislating from the bench’, and statements from politicians about two individuals deciding the fate of a billion being undemocratic. (Tangentially, the same politician seems happy to have five hundred odd individuals deciding the fate of the billion others- one wonders what is the number between two and five hundred at which it becomes democratic.)

It is unfortunate that the debate on reservations has shifted so drastically to discussing who is backward and who is not, and who is fit to rule on backwardness and who is not. This continued argument over backwardness distracts from two issues: rights and autonomy- which few commentators have addressed over the past one year – Pratap Bhanu Mehta being one of the few. This is tragic, because these issues are far more fundamental than

Let us consider rights first. The Ninety Third Constitutional Amendment which enabled the extension of reservations has its genesis in the Supreme Court’s 2005 judgment in Inamdar and Others vs. State of Maharashtra and Others. In its judgment, the court upheld the right of private educational institutions to have an admissions policy independent of government control. The Ninety Third Amendment was rushed in to destroy this private right, just as the very first amendment to the constitution was brought in to destroy the right to private property which the Patna High Court upheld in Kameshwar Singh vs. State of Bihar.

For those who are suspicious of government control over private citizens and associations, this is obscene. If a private trust sets up a college, what business of the government is it which students it admits? The trust has no dealings with the government, so what gives the government the right to interfere with the trust’s admissions process?

But the argument is over reservations in IITs and IIMs and AIIMS, which are very much government institutions. Does the government not have a right to set admissions policy in the institutions it owns?

Assuredly. But here is where the other fundamental issue of autonomy comes into play.

The Union government ‘owns’ the IITs and IIMs. It therefore has the right to decide how they will be run, in all aspects. This does not mean that it is sensible for it to do so. It is difficult to accept the assertion that it is better for the admissions policy of IIM Bangalore to be set by Arjun Singh – or any other HRD Minister – than by IIM Bangalore’s own admissions committee. And all demands for government-enforced reservation boil down to this very assertion: that bureaucrats and politicians are more competent than universities themselves to decide what the universities should do. Highlighting the absurdity of this assertion is simple: one simply has to extend the argument. If Parliament is better placed to decide which students to take in than the university itself, it must be better placed to decide what they will eat as well. The menu of IIT Madras’s Mega-Mess must also be set by the HRD Ministry, with 15% reservation for proteins, 7.5% for fats, and 27.5% for carbohydrates.

The undermining of institutional autonomy by the HRD Ministry is dangerous. It creates disincentives for students to enter academia. It prevents universities from experimenting to find admissions policies which could accomplish more for social diversity than the blunt tool of reservations. Most importantly, it prevents new institutions from coming up, and supplying the educational infrastructure that the young people who form India’s ‘demographic dividend’ so desperately need.

But what is even more tragic than the HRD Ministry attempting to bring in reservations is that the anti-reservationists are taking their case to the Supreme Court. The HRD Minister is not the best person to make decisions on the day-to-day affairs of the IITs and IIMs, but neither are the Supreme Court justices.

We seek to overturn bad decisions by one authority by appealing to another authority to reverse them. This reveals flaws in our national character. The drama of the last month is symptomatic of the Indian unconcern for autonomy, and the lack of regard for institutions.

(An edited version of this article appears in this month’s edition of Pragati, the Indian National Interest’s publication)