Spice Telecom on the Right Track

March 3, 2006

Spice, the also-ran cellular operator in Karnataka has been trying to rebrand itself over the past few months. It doesn’t have the muscle or subscriber base of an Airtel or a Hutch, so it’s been fighting where it can: innovation in VAS.

I’m not sure how much of a market some of their stuff would have- things like keeping your organiser on a server and accessing it by SMS: the sort of people who would need a calendar regularly could probably afford a PDA anyway. Then, stuff like video ringtones is nothing really differentiated.

When I was out shopping yesterday, though, I noticed something much more interesting: the ‘2gether’ plans. (Links: 99 rupee postpaid, 250 rupee prepaid)

This is a regular potspaid plan. You get to call one other number at discounted rates, which is nothing new. What is new is that they throw in a little bit extra: the two numbers are next to each other. Spice is pitching this as a plan for young couples. The advertising is all big red hearts and cupids.

Again, this might not actually work. I don’t know how many young couples in Bangalore, leave alone the rest of Karnataka would actually want to advertise their relationship status. When Samanth calls up his mother to tell her that his number has changed, so that he can now be one number before Shilpa, sparks will fly.

Leaving that aside, Spice is still on the right track, even if this particular plan might not work. Selling connections to all the people who call each other together is a much better idea than selling to individual customers, who might use it only to receive incoming calls from landlines for all you know. This way, you’re definitely getting most of the call volume for yourself.

In fact, I’m shocked that Airtel or Reliance haven’t come up with something like this for families. Both have their own number series (99 for Airtel and 93 for Reliance) so it’s not like they have a constraint on available adjacent numbers. American cellphone operators have been doing this for years now, and in fact go a little bit extra by putting all the numbers together on one single bill. It’s not as if they have to come up with a completely new model, they just have to imitate whatever Verizon and AT&T are doing. And Airtel is usually quick to pick up whatever works overseas: they saw the Easy Charge system in the Philippines and installed it in India practically overnight.

Hmm. So maybe they’re already doing it. I think the next six months might just see one of the big three private players aggressively marketing adjacent numbers and a unified bill for families. Let’s see.


Bond Markets

February 27, 2006

The headline in today’s Business Standard is regarding the proposed issue of “console” bonds in order to fund the modernization of Delhi and Mumbai Airports. These bonds will pay an interest life-long, without any principal payment. In effect, it is just like a bond being renewed every time it expires.

As an aside, I assume that in this case the coupon the bond will pay would be floating, else given the volatility of the markets in the long term, it’s unlikely anyone would want to invest in them.

Coming back, the article goes on to say that the coupon on these bonds would be around 150-200 basis points higher than the coupon on long-term infrastructure bonds.

Wondering if it would have been different if we had a market for corporate bonds in India. If regulation allows it and some exchange starts offering trading on these instruments, a large number of Financial Institutions (Mutual Funds, Hedge Funds, Insurance and Pension Funds) would start investing in these bonds instead of in equities, given the already over-heated equities market.

And if we did start one such market, liquidity in the bond markets would increase and I am sure the “long-term premium” which will be paid on the bonds being issued by the airports would have been much lower.


Power vegetables

February 21, 2006

Today’s Deccan Herald talks about the popularity of Gherkin farming in Karnataka and how contract farming might exploit farmers. The article goes on to say that there are certain days when the Gherkins are not picked up on time by the trucks because of which they tend to get spoilt. (Gherkins have to be processed within 24 hours of picking, else they can rot). The article also talks about circumstances where farmers lose out in case of lack of water and similar circumstances.

A similar situation prevails in the case of chicken in India. With the advent of the bird flu, more than a million chicks have been slaughtered in Maharashtra. Farmers are protesting heavily over this and have taken to the streets. Not that one must blame them, since they stand to lose out heavily on investment.

With the growth of contract farming (given weird land laws, a large number of exporters are sourcing their stuff through contract farming), the rights of the farmers in cases of produce not being picked up on time and other losses become even more significant. Is there a solution to this mess?

Can you see a parallel between farm produce and power? What is the unique propety of electricity that makes it so tough to handle? Just like Gherkins, it cannot be stored. It has to be consumed instantaneously. What have the policy-makers done about this? There is something called a “take or pay” policy; where the generator’s fixed costs are reimbursed in case of non-withdrawal of electricity.

Is it possible to extend something like that to farm produce? Can the buyers of farm produce pay farmers for goods not picked up or for delayed pick up? Can farmers be partly compensated for some costs in case of a bad monsoon or pest attack? In short, can something which combines an insurance policy and a take-or pay agreement be effective in this sector?

Of course, proper framing of prices is essential, else one could end up paying farmers for vegetables not grown, a la Major Major Major Major’s father. However, if exporters and other purchasers of farm produce can come up with some innovative “products” in this space, it would go a long way in boosting contract farming in India.

And increased contract farming can only improve the state of the agricultural sector in India, especially for stuff like fruits and vegetables. It can provide a major boost to farm sector exports, and also improve the state of fruits and vegetables retailing (which, but for a few stores like the “greens and grains’ chain in Bangalore, is largely unorganized and follows a long supply chain).


Hallmarks of Economic and Social Progress

February 15, 2006

Landing back in Delhi is quite simply a pain in the ass. However much joy I get out of being home, it only really starts to hit me once I’ve left the confines of Indira Gandhi International. On a side note, once it’s privatised, i really hope they change the name. There’s something about naming institutions after such great hallmarks of economic and social progress that runs them to the ground. If you’ve ever been to Jawaharlal Nehru University, you’ll know what I’m on about.


Why Most Mergers Fail

February 12, 2006

At the IIMs, campus recruitment happens through something known as the slotting system. Slot zero has the highest paying jobs, with the most (alleged) prestige attached to them. This slot typically attracts consultancies, commodity trading desks, and importantly for the purposes of this post- investement banks.

As the investment banks have first crack at us, they typically pick the people with the highest grades, the most impressive work experience and extra curricular activities, and the best analytical skills that their interview techniques pick up. The sort of people you’d expect were the smartest of the lot.

All well and good. Slot zero ends, and the smartest people take up jobs with investment banks. Slot one begins, with the people who are arguably less smart.

Now, here’s the interesting part. Guess who shows up in Slot one. The India-based offshore centres of the investment banks, who hire people for the back office work that investment banks need: rating securities, coming up with valuations for companies, and generally telling the investment banks whether they should be long or short on a particular deal.

Now this is where it gets interesting: the smart people at the investment banks who make a particular deal have to rely on the supposedly less smart people at the back office to provide them with information to help them make a decision on that deal. The guy at the back office, being less smart, is more likely to get the valuation wrong. Using this wrong information, the smarter guy goes ahead and makes the deal, and the deal fails spectacularly.

You know, this just might explain the fate of the AOL-Time Warner merger, the HP-Compaq merger, and so many other mergers in the history of corporate finance.


It Isn’t Just…

February 10, 2006

It isn’t just Reliance Infocomm which tries to cheat BSNL. BSNL employees do the same thing. So who’s to blame- Reliance, or the stupid system of tariffs and cross-subsisdies that sets up arbitrage opportunities like this in the first place?

It isn’t just airports which are seeing private participation and development. The MMRDA has received fifteen tenders for a new bus terminus to be run on a build-own-operate-transfer contract. Which should hopefully answer Dilip D’ Souza.

And it isn’t just Jayalalitha who nationalises industries to give political rivals a poke in the eye. The Andhra Pradesh government has just handed all the well-managed dairy cooperatives to the bureaucracy. Once again, the political rivals will eventually come back to power, and it’s the consumers and dairy farmers who’ll get shafted.


A Thud in the Hills, and Monsoon Wedding

January 31, 2006

Dilip D’ Souza has a post up at the newly launched How The Other Half Lives called Thud in the Hills which asks a question that isn’t asked often enough: when will reforms benefit the poor? And can they do nothing but wait for the benefits to trickle down?

My answer: it depends.

The little reforms we have had so far have made it much easier for corporations to do business- by making it easier for them to raise money, start new businesses without having to run around for as many licenses, and choose for themselves how much to produce and what price to set. And they have made it easier- no, possible- for them to import raw materials and equipment.

But reforms have been non-existent in some other, vital, aspects. There has been no judicial reform. Litigation and criminal justice still move so slowly that a legal case becomes a weapon with which to bludgeon your rivals. It also results in pathetic conviction rates, so that imprisonment or even the dealth penalty are not deterrents to criminals.

Until this year, reforms also made it difficult for buyers to compete with each other for buying farm produce, which led to middlemen cornering the market, and contributed to farmers falling into dire straits. And of course, there have been no reforms which allow farmers to sell their land legally and at market prices.

There have also been no reforms to place checks on our various taxation departments, so they can continue to harass us unabated.

This means that as individuals, we have to wait for the slightly freer private and corporate sector to pass the benefits of reform on to us.

This has a problem: although the private sector does pass on the benefits to us- as cheaper prices, new products, better service and variety- these benefits reach the rich before they reach the poor. The rich have the money to pay for these benefits, after all. Only after the rich have been tapped and exhausted as a market, will we see the private sector move to the poor.

We are seeing this happen with cellphones. Delhi and Mumbai now have teledensity levels equal to London and New York. What are Airtel and Reliance and Tata Teleservices doing now? Pushing their network beyond the cities and into the small towns and villages, so that they can capture the market there (and also allow Dilip to call his friends and tell them that he wishes they were there). They also dropped their cost of staying connected- earlier to 200 rupees a month, and now to a thousand rupees for life.

It’s unfair, isn’t it? The rich got their cellphones way back in 1994, and the poor had to wait until 2005.

But the unfairness is compensated, because of this: reform reaches the poor the last, but it benefits them the most.

For the rich guy who bought the cellphone in 1994, it was at best a convenience. He already had a telephone- probably more than one- at his home and office. He could now be connected to his contacts sixteen hours a day instead of twelve.

But for the auto driver or vegetable cart owner who bought it last year, the cellphone is their first phone. It doesn’t represent four additional hours of connectivity- it represents being connected, for the first time ever. It isn’t a way to stay in touch with existing contacts. It’s a way to have contacts- and most probably, these contacts are new customers who will provide new business, or fellow small businesspeople who will help each other to find the best deals.

The first person to notice this was not an economist or a journalist or a telecom company CEO, it was a film director. In Monsoon Wedding, Mira Nair created PK Dubey- an entrepreneuer with no fixed assets- but who created wealth for himself using nothing but his intelligence and his cellphone.

Three years after Monsoon Wedding was released, Vodafone commissioned a study on their African consumer base. Only then did they discover that taxi drivers in Kenya were using mobile phones to tell each other where fares were to be found, unemployed villagers used SMS to check for jobs in Nairobi instead of paying the bus fare each week, and plumbers were able to see three instead of two customers a day.

Five years from now, when mobile phones have reached many more corners of the country, can you imagine what a similar study would find? Farmers using mobile phones to check prices, small retailers managing their inventory far more effectively, and maybe even as vehicles to spread the information that the Right to Information Act promises.

I’ll close this post with two thoughts.

First, the next revolution of this sort we’ll see will probably be in credit. ICICI Bank, GE Money and CitiFinancial are in two hundred cities so far, and they know that they can’t leave the next two hundred cities open to each other.

This means that they’ll hire thugs to threaten defaulters in Indore and Palakkad and Patiala, not just Delhi and Mumbai. They’ll call up people and offer unsolicited loans in Moradabad and Sangli and Bokaro, not just Hyderabad and Chennai. And just as cellphone companies cut their tariffs and offered ever more options to us, the customers, credit companies will eventually improve their behaviour and offer loans which are structured the way semiurban and rural consumers actually need them. Not because the Finance Ministry told them to do it, but because if they don’t, their competition will.

Second, this is what has happened and can happen if you set corporations free. If you set people free, can you imagine how much faster the poor would benefit? And how much more?


Holy Crap!

January 25, 2006

I seem to have missed this news entirely: the Tamil Nadu government is planning to take over the cable operators in the state.

Hmm, so two or three years without any obvious power-mad incidents was too good to be true. Indira Gandhi nationalised banks, and now Jayalalitha is planning to nationalize (should that be state-ize?) cable access systems.

A few thoughts:

  1. If this is meant as an anti-DMK measure, it’s stupid. Anti-incumbency will eventually push the DMK back into power anyway. The DMK will then ensure that the state-owned broadcasting apparatus it controls shows only Sun TV and there is a total blackout of Jaya TV. As Salvor Hardin said, it’s a poor blaster that can’t point both ways.
  2. This can’t be passed off as an isolated incident. The central government has its own creeping nationalization process going on. It has the utterly loathsome ADC regime in telecom, and closer to the topic of television, it has stolen cricket broadcasting rights from the people who bought them legitimately and passed them to its inhouse pet Doordarshan.
  3. The cable TV takeover is ostentiably being done to improve customer satisfaction. I shudder to think what customer satisfaction will be like after six months of government operation.
  4. Points one and three suggest that anything done to shaft a political opponent will very likely end up shafting the electorate more.

No Land for Air

January 22, 2006

Skimpy has a post up about how the shortage of airport infrastructure is a looming crisis for Indian aviation, and talks about how it might play out.

He suggests that the way out of the crisis is for the government to facilitate the construction of new airports- without necessarily building it themselves. According to him, private entrepreneuers can run the airport on a BOO (Build, Own, Operate) basis. The major role for the government would be to start a licensing or tendering process for new airports, and to facilitate the land acquisition.

He’s right. The less the government is involved with the actual development, the faster a new airport will actually come up. And I’ll have to reluctantly admit that the government will need to acquire the land and hand it over.

Why reluctantly? Because when the government acquires land and hands it over, it will be solving a problem of its own making. The reason the government would have to acquire land for the airport is that land laws in India are such a mess that airport operators can’t possibly do it on their own.

For example, in most states farmers can only sell their land to other farmers. This idiotic legislation means that any time any real estate developer wants to build anything- be it an airport, a highway, or an apartment block on agricultural land, he has to first get the government to buy it from farmers and then sell it to him.

This has two bad consequences. First, since the government is the dealmaker and has all the information about land value, it creates opportunities for corruption. Secondly, since neither the buyer nor the seller have information about how much value the other places on the land, it ensures that at least one of the buyer and seller will be unhappy with the price that is paid.

Suppose the government buys the land from the original owners at a price less than the value they associate with it. They’re going to be unhappy. This unhappiness will manifest itself as riots, protest movements, or litigation against the project. This will lead to delays in the project, driving up its costs.

Suppose the government decides to avoid all this hassle and pays a price which is definitely higher than what the owners value the land at. Now, the real estate developer ends up paying more than the market price. This could have two consequences- either it passes on the extra costs to the end consumers, or it decides that the project isn’t worth it at that price, and abandons it. This is a loss not only to the developer- it loses a money making opportunity- but also to the landowners- they lose the opportunity to sell.

These absurd land laws are a much bigger hassle than the shortage of airport infrastructure- in fact, they’re probably one of the root causes. And unless these laws are reformed, even private sector airport development is going to be plagued with litigation, delays and protests, just as other infrastructure projects like the Bangalore-Mysore Infrastructure Corridor have been.

Related links:

Indian Economy Blog: Reality of Indian Realty
Indian Economy Blog: Eminent Domain and Suchlike


Market Failures in Fiction?

January 13, 2006

After seeing the heat generated by this post, I was reminded of a discussion I had almost two years ago with Arnab.

Read PG Wodehouse’s autobiography, or his letters, and you’ll notice the importance magazines played in his early career. His novels would often be serialized as magazine stories stretching over several issues before they were released as books.

Is this unique to PG Wodehouse? No, Agatha Christie too got one of her first breaks selling twenty Poirot short stories to a magazine- I forget which one right now. And on the subject of fictional detectives- each and every Sherlock Holmes story or novel originally appeared in The Strand.

What’s my point?

This: the Strands and Ladies’ Home Companions of the past used to serve the same purpose with fiction that Instapundit and Desipundit do today with blogs. They filter the best fiction and deliver it to the readers. If the readers like it, that shows up in letters to the editor and requests for more stories by the same author. Based on his or her magazine career, the author can then start pitching books to publishers.

This has its disadvantages. It’s an indirect way of judging quality. People will buy magazines based on the overall bundle, not just the story they would be running in one particular issue. People might not write back to the editor and report whether they liked a particular story or not. But this imperfect feedback and quality monitoring system is still better than what we have today.

Twentieth century writers had to ‘pay their dues’ and consistently deliver good stories before they would be accepted by the general public and publishers. This placed novelists in the same situations as doctors and lawyers- you had to struggle for years, but if you were good, you hit the big time.

But what is the filtering and quality monitoring process today? There are specialty fiction magazines for sf and other genres overseas, but nothing with a decent circulation in India. Femina with one story a month is hardly a suitable filter.

Instead of filtering being done by readers, it is now done by editors. This means that a great number of Indian novelists will each come out with an average-to-excellent first novel- but very few will match that quality with their subsequent books- as Ravikiran pointed out here.

But when Ravikiran says that society is to blame for tolerating bad novelists, I have to ask: what choice does society have? The mechanism by which it can distinguish consistently good content creators from one hit wonders doesn’t exist.

But that leads to another question: why doesn’t it exist. And this is something I have no idea about.

It could be consumer behaviour- consumers genuinely aren’t interested in going through a huge number of average stories and picking out authors who have the potential to shine in the future. It could be because of business models- maybe nobody has yet come up with a profitable way simultaneously pay authors for stories, generate circulation, get readers to provide feedback, and build advertising revenue. Or the number of writers is too small- which again comes back to the business model- if there is enough money to pay people for their stories, would you see more and better stories?

Ideas for a business model / system of incentives that solves this problem are welcome. If you think I’ve got the whole idea wrong, and that I’m talking crap, you’re also welcome to tell me why.