The Risk Industry

October 7, 2006

Three months ago, I pointed out that telecom is a bad poster child for reform because it has an unfair advantage- the network effect. I wrote about how retail is a better poster child, and also sidetracked into services retailing, but left one question unanswered: is there another industry which could benefit as much from the network effect as telecom has? Well, it’s time to answer that question.

The answer is: Yes. The financial services industry (which is actually several industries together: banking, insurance, wealth management, brokerage, capital markets, consumer lending, project finance, and probably half a dozen more).

Financial services benefit from the network effect because the fundamental product that all these sectors deal with is not equity shares, or bonds, or currency. It’s not even money. It’s risk. And every person plugged into the organised finance system is a producer and a consumer of risk.

This is similar to how the telecom industry’s fundamental product isn’t phone calls or SMSs or IP packets, but information. And everybody plugged into a telecom network produces and consumes information. The important thing is that they trade it with each other, not with the phone company- which is why the network effect kicks in.

Similarly, in the financial system, the important thing is not that a particular company takes on risk. The important thing is that all customers produce some sort of risk, which they sell to some financial intermediary- whether a bank, an insurance company, or to investors directly- which then repackages or restructures it, and sells it back to other customers. The more consumers of financial products there are, the more valuable the financial system is.

Of course, there are complications which the telecom sector doesn’t face. A voice call or an SMS goes through pretty much as it is, intermediated only by machines, but risk has to be broken down into its components and repackaged by human beings before you can sell it on further. This means that there’s more intermediation, and less transparency between intermediaries. Transaction costs are higher. But the model is the same.

What all this means is that the Indian financial services industry could take off as fast as the Indian telecom industry. It would have to overcome a bunch of hurdles first: regulatory, technological, environmental, and organisational- but the potential is there.

(Disclosure: I work in the financial services industry myself, so I may not be entirely objective.)


The Other Retail Story

August 8, 2006

My last long post was on retail as a barometer of reform. On the subject of retail, Neelakantan also has some very good posts up (here, here, here, and here), most of which deal with Reliance Retail.

All of these posts deal with the retailing of physical merchandise. But there’s another retail story brewing in services, and it’s slipping under the radar as far as I can see. Remarkably enough, the company on the leading edge of this retail story is the other Reliance: Anil Ambani’s group.

Reliance-ADAG runs the Reliance WebWorld cybercafe chain. However, WebWorld goes beyond being an ordinary cybercafe like a Sify IWay or an independent outfit. The cybercafe is only where it begins. Webworld is much more than that; it’s a platform for cross-selling other services and goods, including:

  1. Reliance phones
  2. Kingisher Airlines and Air Deccan tickets
  3. Reliance Insurance
  4. Reliance Mutual Funds
  5. (some minor merchandise like mugs and T-shirts, which are shipped rather than purchased on the spot- or you bring your own T-shirt).

The insurance and mutual funds started recently. What you need to look at is the profile of what they’re selling: except for the phones, these are all things where they need to carry no physical inventory.

Can this actually work, though? Converting a cybercafe chain into a profitable retail platform will depend on a bunch of stuff, including:

  • Converting single-service customers to cross-sell customers. The idea of using existing infrastructure and real-estate space to sell intangible, high-margin services os attractive, but will it actually happen? Cross-sell might be the holy grail, but if my employer’s experience is anything to go by, it’s bloody hard to do. Can you really convince someone who’s come by only to pay a phone bill or check his mail to buy mutual funds or insurance? It’s hard enough convincing someone who’s come by to check his bank balance.
  • Putting the marketing into place. I might see WebWorld as a retail opportunity, but are Amar, Akbar and Anthony going to think of WebWorld when they want to buy financial products? That needs branding and advertising, and more importantly, capability.
  • Getting the skilled people. You need trained insurance agents and investment advisors in each WebWorld if you want to cross-sell. Certification is the easy part. Training them to be effective salespeople is going to be much tougher.
  • Expanding the product range. To start attracting more walk-in customers and brand itself as a service retailer, WebWorld would have to sell a whole lot more than what they’re doing now. Off the top of my head, I can think of hotel and vacation bookings, job recruitment services (not for engineers and MBAs but for private tutors and maids), small money transfers (which would bring them into direct competition with postal money orders- I am not sure about whether financial regulations would actually permit this), and booking one time medium-ticket services, like movie tickets or A/C call-taxis.

I can think of two-ways for Reliance to immediately start pulling in more walk-in customers for stuff beyond mail checking and phone bill paying.

  1. First, move past paying only Reliance phone bills at WebWorld. Pull in customers by letting them pay any and all bills- rival telecom operators, utilities, personal loan instalments, and so forth. This can be done easily, really, if Reliance cuts a deal with EasyBill, which has taken the kirana distribution route till now. In fact, EasyBill could become a strategic acquisition target just for its back-end.
  2. Start a line of co-branded credit cards, or enter the credit card business themselves. I’m a little skeptical of whether co-branding would work. Who would do it? The PSU banks won’t, ICICI is in direct competition with Reliance for investments and insurance, and the MNC banks don’t have the reach. HDFC could do it, though, or perhaps Reliance could bypass banks entirely and do a tie-up with Amex.
    Once they have customers with established credit track records walking in to pay their credit card bills, their base of prospects for investments sales suddenly becomes a whole lot bigger.

Falstaffian Footnotes:

  1. I realised while writing this that the petrol retailers could employ the same strategy. WebWorlds have a better retail ambience though (IMO of course). I’d love to see this backed up by some figures on how many footfalls the petrol pump convenience stores get, and how that compares to similarly sized kiranas in residential areas. Or what the comparative sales are for that matter.
  2. Intuitively, I can see a big hole in the price range of WebWorld products. Surfing or gaming would have ticket sizes of R. 100-Rs. 500 per transaction, while insurance premiums usually start at Rs. 5000. Mutual funds SIPs can go as low as Rs. 1000 a month, but the effective entry level is usually Rs. 2500. Buying airtickets would again be at least Rs. 5000 per transaction. That means WebWorld’s regular customers are small-ticket spenders, to whom they’re trying to sell much bigger-ticket services. It can address the gap by bringing in a greater range of small-ticket cross-sell services- like employment registration.
  3. I know my next big post was supposed to be about what industry can benefit from network effects as much as telecom. Trust me, this post is a bridge to that.

The Barometer of Reform

July 25, 2006

Back in the days when I had internet access, I had picked nits with Gaurav over the suitability of telecom as a poster child for reform. I had said that telecom benefitted so much from network effects that it wasn’t fair to attribute the entire success of the telecom sector to reform- though of course the success wouldn’t have happened if reform hadn’t been there in the first place.

I also promised two follow-up posts. This is the first one, and talks about which industry is a suitable poster child for reform.

That industry is organised retailing- the Big Bazaars, Food Worlds, Planet Ms and Shoppers’ Stops. And shortly Reliance Retail, of course.

Organised retail is a true barometer of reform because it’s the last link in the supply chain. So, no matter which sector of the economy actually gets reformed, the impact will show up in a retailer’s profits- through increased sales, better operational efficiencies, or both.

Let me repeat that: there is no economic reform which will not benefit organised retail in some way or the other.

Labour and pension reform? Allows retail outlets to work longer hours attract more customers, and reduces the risks associated with permanent employees. And reduces the price of merchandise too, if you see the benefits that are accruing further back in the supply chain.

Real Estate reform? It lets retailers build large-format stores, and increase their economies of scale and efficiency. It also frees up land use, making land cheaper and improving profitability.

Agricultural reform? It’s already happening. Reliance Retail isn’t just building grocery stores, it’s also buying produce markets. The scale of the new market reduces waste, gets the farmer a decent price, and brings down costs. The farmer’s happy,Reliance is happy, and the consumer’s happy. It’s win-win for everyone except the middleman.

Tax reform? Once the whole sclerotic system of octroi and inter-state sales tax and excise variations is removed, the supply chain becomes much more efficient. Much less pain for the retailer.

Financial reform- brings down the cost of money. Improves capital efficiency and puts more money in consumers’ wallets. Win-win.

The next time I have proper internet access, I’ll post about what other industries could benefit from network effects the way telecom has. Also, a guest blogger may shortly be posting more specific details about how octroi and the current state of agri-markets are screwing up life for retailers.


How I would use e-books

July 25, 2006

I prefer reading books the old fashioned way. I like to turn pages, and of course you can carry a book to the bogs or to bed. You can put it down when you’ve just read something impressive enough to make you gasp and pause before you start reading again.

Unfortunately, old fashioned books are bulky. This is really a problem for me, considering the number of books I own (or rather, my family owns) must be well over three thousand. You can’t haul the entire lot to Bangalore or Bombay every time you shift. This is particularly annoying when you want to look up a specific quote and the book is fifteen hundred kilometres away.

What would be awesome would be a password which comes with every paper book that you could use to download a digital copy (which you could then save with your own password). You could keep that digital copy on a pen drive, and look up the wuote whenever you needed it- and the best part is that the digital text is searchable. Alternately, if you bought books online from Amazon, every book you bought would be recorded, and you could just log on and search inside the book or read it online for free.

There could be a business plan in this.


Free Trade in Landing Rights

June 29, 2006

For this reason, I am going to attempt to explain it. This is going to be rather nerdy. If Transport Blog still existed, it would be a fine post for that blog. However, it does not, so I will do it here.

The post linked to above is simply and lucidly written, and comes up with a solution to a problem. If that’s being nerdy, then we need more nerds around.


This is Appalling

June 7, 2006

I am shocked, shocked, to learn that criminals and anti-social elements have been buying SIM cards with forged documents in Haryana.

Those naughty criminals! How dare they! Don’t they know that they are supposed to provide their correct identity details so that the authorities can track them down? If they pretend to be honest people like us, the whole scheme is useless. All the effort we put into getting passport photos and photocopies of identity documents will go waste.


Fun With Derivatives

June 5, 2006

Time to answer the questions raised by my post on using real estate options to pay for acquisition of land. I’ll answer the questions raised in the comments first, and then address some other issues.

Will the options be provided to displaced people free of cost, or sold? Will they be given loans to buy them? And who sells them the options?

I envisage free of cost, but that isn’t necessarily the right answer. I think that the right price will be something arrived at through trial and error, after seeing the results from many such compensation schemes. But you can have any nonzero inital price of the option, with a corresponding change in the price you exercise it at.

The options will be paid for by whoever is acquiring the land and displacing the original landholders. They will be sold by competing real estate agencies and property developers.
Does this mean that displaced people will move to the about-to-benefit regions?

No, it doesn’t. It just means that they become the landlords of the about-to-benefit regions (if they exercise the option). They collect the rent or the mortgage on the land. They don’t necessarily move in. But I’ll come back to this later.

If the government won’t even move them to any region, why will it move them to an about-to-benefit region?

Excellent question. For the government-backed Sardar Sarovar Authority, or indeed any developer, resettlement is a cost which they’d like to minimize. But if selling land to displaced people was a profitable activity, and multiple real estate vendors were competing to sell them land, this wouldn’t be a problem.

How do we reach this happy state? Well, real estate options are financial assets. You can borrow against them just as you can borrow against actual property or against shares. They become security for a property loan- and now the displaced family chooses where to buy property instead of just settling for what the government gives it.

Now, the objections I thought of myself.

This won’t work for the Narmada Dam victims, will it?

Sadly not. It’ll not work for anything at this point of time. It needs a lot of infrastructure in place before it can work.

Like what?

Ah, now we come to the meat of the matter. To make it truly effective, you need an existing large and liquid market in real estate options. The problem with this is that trading in real estate options did not actually begin until this year at the Chicago Board of Trade. Still, there’s no reason it won’t eventually catch on in India.

What if the option holder exercises the option, becomes the owner of the property, and chucks out the tenants?

Well, he would be in his rights to do so (assuming the local laws were actually biased in favour of landowners instead of tenants), but there are some ways to avoid this:

  1. Don’t allow delivery against the option. Just allow the option to be sold back to the original holder, so that the holder only gets the difference in prices, and not the real estate itself. I’m not a great fan of this one.
  2. Instead of an option on the real estate itself, make it an option on a mortgage-backed or rent-backed security, i.e., the holder will not own the real estate itself, but the right to collect all future mortgage payments or rental payments on it. This could work, but it assumes the existence of mortgage backed securities. Then again, if the Indian financial system can evolve to offer real estate options, it can surely offer mortgage backed securities, which are in much higher use.
  3. The developers of the property which is being optioned actually create surplus capacity for the prospective options. It could be done, but it would saddle them with an investment that offered no return for the life of the option. I don’t see this becoming very feasible.
  4. My personal favourite: instead of making it an option on actual real estate, make it an option on a real estate index.

What’s a real estate index?

Just as the Sensex measures the value of 30 specific stocks, and converts it into one single number, a real estate index would check property values at certain locations and convert that into a single number. You could have an all-India commercial property index based on office rents in Bangalore, Mumbai, Gurgaon, and Chennai. A Bombay residential property index based on flat rents in Andheri, Powai, Dadar, Colaba, and so on. This addresses one of the difficulties in deciding the market price of an actual piece of real estate.

What if unscrupulous property dealers offer low prices to the displaced people for their options? Those displaced people would take any amount of cash and spend it on booze instead of holding on to a piece of paper.

This is an argument against financial illiteracy, and not against options. After all, you could as easily ask ‘What if unscrupulous property dealers offer low prices to displaced people for the land they get as compensation?’.

So you do need to educate people on what the option actually does and how it can be used, but it isn’t a horribly difficult concept to explain.

And I’m not being facetious here, but cellphones can be a very powerful weapon where this is concerned. If fishermen can use them to find the market price of fish, displaced landowners can use them to find the market price of an option.

What was that you said about turning resettlement into a profitable activity?

Look, people who build a dam are good at civil engineering and project management. Not at buying land and helping people they’ve displaced to move there. So for starters, the people building a dam shouldn’t be in charge of resettlement- just pay for it.

But then should there be a single agency in charge of resettlement? No, dammit. Throw resettlement open to competition. Treat displaced people as consumers and entrepreneuers who want to buy income-generating property, not as refugees. Give them liquid assets like cash and real estate options (or even ownership-equity in the developing body) which they can use to buy land. Who sells them land? Competing property developers. Who provides them the options? Competing real estate agencies, anxious to close a deal. Once competition enters the sale of options as well as the purchase of land, displacement victims will get a much better deal. Also, the kinks in this new and untested scheme will be ironed out much faster.

I’m still doubtful about the whole thing.

I’m not surprised, because it is a whole new idea. But that’s why I’m plumping for a market in resettlement, because it’ll work out the problems much faster than I ever can.

That wraps it up. I don’t think I’ll have any more individual posts on this, though I’ll of course address all further questions in the comments.


Why should it be sacrifice?

May 25, 2006

A few months ago, a Tehelka reporter was interviewing some of us at IIM Bangalore for a special feature on the perception of leftism on Indian campuses. The interview drifted from perception of the left parties, to the question of who would speak for the poor, and then to the Narmada Bachao Andolan. Someone- I can’t remember if it was the reporter who asked if we believed in it or one of us who stated that he did- brought up the concept of ‘sacrifice’ – that the displaced people should be willing to sacrifice something for the good of the entire nation.

It’s sad. As managers, we’re supposed to look for win-win solutions. But we’re conditioned so badly by the national discourse on the Narmada dam that everything turns into a sacrifice: either the displaced people should sacrifice their land for the benefit of farmers and agriculturists, or urban residents should sacrifice their comfort to maintain traditional tribal lifestyles.

But why must either side sacrifice anything?

The transaction looks like a sacrifice because it’s terribly onesided. The victims of displacement get only land- if the incompetent administration gives it to them in the first place- while the beneficiaries of the dam get water and benefit from increasing real estate prices.

Is there any way to ensure that the people who lose their land benefit to the same extent that the people who get the water do? Yes, there is- and it relies upon the concept I introduced in the previous post– financial options.

If the development- whether it’s building a dam, or building a township on agricultural land- does what it’s supposed to, land prices will rise significantly in the area that is being developed. If the development is a dam, the acquired land will not see a price rise, but the land that does get access to irrigation thanks to the dam will see a rise in value. For a real estate development, things are even more straightforward- the acquired land is developed, and sees a rise in value.

What if you compensate the people whose land you are acquiring with call options on the land which benefits? The option can have an exercise price equal to the current price- or perhaps with a modest premium- and it can be exercised on a date after the development is expected to be complete.

(Of course, I am not suggesting that compensation should be purely in options- just that options should form part of a compensation basket that also includes land and cash.)

As you’ll recall, a call option means the option holder can buy the asset at a fixed price (which we’re assuming is the current price). Let’s say that prior to the construction of the Narmada dam, Ahmedabad residential property is trading at Rs. 300 a square foot. Displaced people are given call options to buy say, five hundred square feet of Ahmedabad residential property at exactly this price: Rs. 300. After the construction of the dam, and diversion of water to Ahmedabad, residential property rises in value thanks to improved availability of water. It’s now worth 500 rupees a square foot. Multiply the difference- two hundred rupees a square foot with the number of options: five hundred square feet- and that’s one lakh rupees. (Of course, these figures were just to illustrate the concept.) And with some neat usage of financial derivatives, we’ve solved the problem of unequal gains.
There are some problems associated with this idea that I can think of off the top of my head. I’ll discuss how to solve these in another upcoming post.


Options 101

May 23, 2006

I have been thinking about a particular topic, and I have an idea about it. This idea involves financial options. As not everyone will be familiar with these, I’ll first have a post up on the basics of options, and then write the main posts.

Let’s start.

An option is a contract to buy or sell something at a fixed price. Stock options are the best known sort of options, thanks to things like Employee Stock Option Programs. An option is not the thing itself- just the right to trade in that thing.

Let’s illustrate this. Suppose I run a company called Maajorly Shadymax Arbit Fundaes Public Limited, which employs lots of people to post arbit fundaes on blogs all over the internet (we can debate the profitability of this business model elsewhere). MSAF Ltd. currently has a share price of Rs. 100.

I now issue options on MSAF Ltd. to all my employees. This option allows them to buy a share of MSAF Ltd. at Rs. 120 on June 1, 2007.

What happens on June 1, 2007? Two possible things:

  1. The share price is below Rs. 120- Rs. 110, say. The option is worthless. Buying the share at Rs. 120 makes no sense when you could buy it on the market for Rs. 110
  2. The share price is Rs. 120 or more. Now, the option is worth something. In fact, it is worth exactly the difference between the market price and Rs. 120. If the market price is Rs. 125, then the option is worth Rs. 5. If it’s Rs. 130, the option is worth Rs. 10. How do we get this? Simple, you use the option to buy a share at Rs. 120, and then immediately sell the share at the market price. The profit you make is what the option is worth.

What we’ve just discussed is called a call option, since we’re talking about the right to buy an asset. What if the option had not been to buy a share at Rs. 120, but to sell it? The same thing, but in reverse. If the market price had been above Rs. 120, then the option would have been worthless- why sell at Rs. 120 when you can sell at a higher price in the market? If the market price had been Rs. 110, the option would have been worth Rs. 10- you could have bought a share at Rs. 110 and sold it at Rs. 120 thanks to the option. An option like this which gives you the right to sell an asset is called a put option.

I’ve talked about the special case of what the option is worth when you have to use it, but it’ll be worth something even before June 1, 2007- what it will be worth will depend on people’s estimate of what the stock price is actually going to be on June 1, but it will have a value- and you can sell the option itself for that value.

One final thing before this little primer is complete. My example used shares, but it could have been anything else. I could have an option to buy a barrel of oil for seventy five dollars on August 1, 2006. Or I could have an option to sell a million dollars at 45.5 rupees a dollar on July 1, 2006. It’s easiest to explain with shares, but you can have an option on virtually any kind of asset.

That’s all you need to know about options in the context of the post I’m going to make. For a more detailed discussion, do read the Wikipedia entry, which also has some very user-friendly diagrams.


Because They Never Had Banks?

March 11, 2006

I’ve been mugging, scouring Wikipedia for decent fundaes, and reading Cryptonomicon and The Baroque Cycle, and I’ve been coming up with some interesting connections.

The Baroque Cycle is about a lot of things- it’s a quizzers delight that way- but one of the important subplots is about how modern banking developed- starting with moneylending, discounting bills of receipts, and taking gold deposits, and evolving on from there. This took place in the late seventeenth century: the 1660s onwards- in fact, just before the English middle class began to grow.

Can we say that the English middle class was helped by the presence of banks? To an extent, of course. It wouldn’t have been the only contributing factor, but banks would have helped to move capital from landowners to merchants. This would lead to the rise of the East India Company, but it also helped power to shift from landed nobles to urban ‘gentlemen’ and merchants. The Guild of Grocers, one of the most powerful political bodies in London at this time, was not composed of small-time fruit-and-vegetable sellers, but of merchant princes who imported and exported in bulk- hence the name: they bought and sold in gross.

This shift in economic power also led to a shift in political power. The new merchants and colonialists were represented in Parliament by the Whigs, who were of course keen to cater to their constituency- and grow it. The middle class bloomed. The Whigs put limits on the power of the king, and encouraged the growth of financial markets and banks- which further helped commerce and the middle class to grow. About a hundred and fifty years later, their brand of liberalism would see its greatest success with the abolishing of slavery throughout the British Empire.

What about the Muslim world?

Banks run into a problem here. The Koran does not just prohibit usury, as the Bible does, but it prohibits all financial transactions involving interest. The first bank in the Ottoman Empire was not started until 1856, and then it was established as an English concern. Even now, there is widespread opposition in Arabian countries to traditional interest-based banking, which has led to the evolution of Islamic Banking.

Did the lack of (and opposition to) banking and financial services retard the growth of a middle class in Arab countries? Probably. Has this historical absence of a middle class contributed to democracy being so weak in Arab countries today? Very likely. Is it the only reason? Of course not, but is it a major reason? That’s a question which deserves more research.

And if it is, then Islamic banking, complicated though its contracts may be, might just help an Arab middle class to develop. Which is good for them, and good for everyone else too.

By the way, you may find these links useful or interesting:

The 1688-1750 Financial Revolution.
The Chronology of Money.